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Öğe 2019 Presidential Election in Ukraine: How Zelensky Was Elected?(Bilgehan Atsız Gökdağ, 2020) Demydova, ViktoriiaIn April 2019, Ukrainians elected actor and showman Volodymyr Zelensky as their president. Zelensky was more than unexpected choice for the country that wages a war with its neighbor. This article concentrates on the two rounds of 2019 presidential election. The author discusses election results, factors of electoral behavior, regional voting patterns, role of oligarchs, stance of Russia and role of the virtual space in the election. It is argued that in Ukraine, citizens chose a person without political experience hoping for a change. While one can note presence of the regular elections and changes in the leadership in Ukraine, democratic principles and procedures have not institutionalized yet. Thus, oligarchs still back the candidates. At the same time, traditional regional voting patterns are deteriorating while the role of youth is growing and particularly this is possible due to the spread of the social media. The author analyzes three groups of sources. First, the election results are studied to reveal public support for different candidates and regional voting in Ukraine. Second, data related to electoral race including party programs, surveys about public support for the candidates and debates are examined. Finally, official documents indicating policies of the Ukrainian presidents are analyzed.Öğe Alexei Navalny and Protests in Russia: Growth of Online Activism Under the Authoritarian System(Gaziantep Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2021) Demydova, ViktoriiaThis article problematizes the nature of the protests that outbroke in Russia following the arrest of the opposition activist Alexei Navalny in January 2021. Under the conditions of mass action ban and COVID-19 pandemic, the scope of the rallies make them the biggest mass action in the history of Russia after 1991. This article seeks to discuss the nature of the rallies as a form of civic activism as well as their capacity to liberalize Russian regime. Furthermore, this article aims to discuss the role of digital media during the protests. The article argues that the scope of the rallies, reliance on youth, online mobilization structure and thoroughly organized anatomy indicate that they have potential for regime change in future as it could be seen in the case of color revolutions in 2000s. At the same time, it is argued that in Russia, online activism is growing as a response to sovereignization of the Internet. This article relies on the qualitative research methodology. Data collection techniques include literature review on social activism and online media; study of Russian legislation; analysis of social media content; and examination of January events’ media coverage.Öğe Doxing as a Form of Online Activism: Case of Alexei Navalny’s Film A Palace For Putin(Mehmet Dursun Erdem, 2021) Demydova, ViktoriiaThis article sheds a light on doxing as a form of digital activism and use of social media platforms through mapping the case of video released by Russian opposition activist Alexei Navalny in January 2021. 2- hour film A Palace for Putin was posted on YouTube and within 3 weeks, 109 million views were registered by YouTube only. Similar to 2017 Navalny’s video that was devoted to the corruption schemes of the Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, released after Navalny’s arrest Palace was followed by the mass protests in the biggests Russian cities. This article aims to discuss the impact of doxing and social media platforms on political process in Russia. It is argued that by drawing attention of Russians to Putin’s corruption schemes, video exposes wrongdoings and delegitimize the power of the Russian president. Also, doxing creates a platform for debate and exchange of opinions directly in the comments under the videos, therefore, civic engagement is promoted. However, doxing and digital media platforms also violate privacy as a basic human right. Also, it is argued that doxing videos has very little potential to mobilize Russians or organize citizens that support opposition. Rather, it is a work of opposition headquarters and activists. At the same time, there is a risk of the new circle of authoritarian measures that government adopts as a response to growing activism. Article relies on qualitative methodology. Author conducts qualitative analysis of the film supported by the analysis of comments left by YouTube users under the videos.Öğe Formation of the Power Structures and Policies in Crimea During the Transition Period: 2014–2016(Hayrullah KAHYA, 2020) Demydova, ViktoriiaIn March 2014 following the military intervention of the Russian troops into the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, the latter announced its independence and, through the illegal referendum, declared its entrance into the Russian Federation. The period between 2014 and 2016 this article concentrates on is considered as transitional period insofar as the most important issues were to be solved. Among them, one can name the formation of the institutions and legal framework, new appointments and political elites. This article argues that the main objective of Kremlin during the mentioned period was rapid and unobstructed inclusion of Crimea into the Russian Federation after the military invasion and annexation. While Moscow aimed at accelerated creation of the institutions and legislative base in Crimea, it filled Crimea with the Russian elites removing all local professionals. At the same time, Moscow not only neglected the issues of the human rights and rights of minorities but tried to prevent the emergence of the opposition voices. Author employs analysis of the legislation related to the transition period as well as the media coverage of the issues.Öğe Independence of The Ukrainian Church: How Russia is Losing Its Soft Power Tool in Ukraine(Hüzeyfe Süleyman Arslan, 2019) Demydova, ViktoriiaThe establishment of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine in the end of 2018 opened the way for discussions of the Church’s role in domestic and foreign policies of Russia and Ukraine. Using the theoretical approach developed by Joseph Nye, this article seeks to examine Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) as a soft power tool of Kremlin along with discussing conservative ideology in Russia itself. In addition, the consequences of autocephaly for Russia and ROC are analyzed. The article argues that annexation of Crimea by Russia and the war in Eastern Ukraine facilitated nationalistic mobilization in the country that resulted in the election of an anti-Russian candidate Poroshenko. Poroshenko was the one who promoted establishment of an independent Church despite his political interests. The article also argues that tomos seriously undermines the stability of the Russian World, erected by means of the educational and cultural institutions and deteriorates the position of ROC in Ukraine. The method of content-analysis is used to examine legislation, official speeches on religious issues in Russia and Ukraine, statements of the Churches’ representatives, as well as media coverage of the issue in both countries.
